Urban Development Scenario In Independent India
In the yesteryear, there has ever been a tradition in India to analyze little and average towns ( SMT ‘s ) . Patrick Geddes, who was a noteworthy town-planner, initiated a few surveies in India in the 1920 ‘s. Similar surveies were encouraged by Prof. G.S. Ghurye, who himself worked on the comparative and historical facets of urbanisation and besides studied rural-urban dealingss. The great Indian sociologist of his times, Radha Kamal Mukherjee ( 1965 ) conducted a socio-cultural survey of Gorakhpur metropolis ( so with a population of about 1, 80,000 ) . A similar survey was conducted by M.S.A Rao in Yadavpur, a town on the peripheries of Delhi. Dr. Lalta Prasad carried out a survey of Ballia, a little town in eastern Uttar Pradesh and tried to concentrate attending on the function that little urban units can play in regional development. Walter C. Neale, Harpal Singh and Jaipal Singh studied a market town ( Kurali ) in Punjab. All these surveies suggested that these towns were self-sufficing and in fact acted as “ bazar ” or “ mandi ” for their rural backwoods. Farmers from the rural countries found a market for their food-grains in these towns and as a consequence were dependent on these towns. However, over the old ages at that place has been a diminution in this tradition and non many surveies have been taken up by academicians on urbanisation and urban development in the state. As Amitabh Kundu points out, “ Indifference on the portion of research community on issues associating to urban construction, therefore helps in commiting bing inequality and stressing the prejudice against little and average towns in the underdeveloped universe ” ( Kundu, A. , 2002:12 ) . Patel and Deb besides point to the deficiency of surveies on SMT ‘s in India in the debut to their book but interestingly merely in a footer, “ Though this debut suggests that there is enormous diverseness of and about urban experience, I have been able to include illustrations chiefly from metropolitan metropoliss. Unfortunately there is really small published work on little and average towns of India ”
It is non to state that surveies on SMTs are singularly missing, but these are more appraising surveies of authorities programmes like the IDSMT. A few non-evaluative surveies can be recalled here: ‘The Role of Small Cities in Regional Development ‘ by O.P. Mathur ( 1984 ) ; ‘Small and Medium Towns and Their Role in Regional Development ‘ by A.C. Minocha and H.S. Yadav ( 1989 ) ; ‘Growth Dynamicss of SMTs: a Case Study of Bihar, M.P. and Haryana ‘ by Shalini Gupta ( 1995 ) ; and a survey of ‘Industrial Growth in Gobindgarh Town ‘ by A. Kundu and S. Bhatia ( 2002 ) .
The present research is an effort by the research worker to analyze the societal, economic and political alterations seeable in a little market town of Tezibazar over a period of 40 old ages and its changing dealingss with the nearby towns and its backwoods. The present survey bases itself on a work by Richard G. Fox in 1964 in Tezibazar, and compares the alterations seeable over clip. On the footing of the informations collected from the field work, it tries to bespeak recent alterations and the present twenty-four hours interaction between the urban community, its part and beyond.
The manner urban development and urbanisation occurred or panned out in the old ages after Independence, it can be understood through three distinguishable stages. In post-Independent India, as a effect of colonial bequest the dichotomy in urban society got accentuated. A few Centres which served colonial involvements of trade emerged as growing engines for their parts while several little and average towns ( SMT ‘s ) were neglected and lagged buttocks, but these SMT ‘s served as ‘bazaar ‘ or ‘mandi ‘ towns for their backwoodss. The initial four five-year programs came up with an urbanisation policy which focused on the demands of the market, its organisation within the nation-state, nature of province policy on industrialisation, an ideological avowal of the values of urbanism and its equation with development ( Patel & A ; Deb, 2006: 25 ) . Although these aims focused on outgrowth of new Centres of industrial/urban economic system, alternatively there was a growing of a few big metropoliss with over-concentration of industrial and concern activity. These Centres could non back up the bourgeoning population taking to a interruption down in its substructure, coercing the migratory hapless to settle down in slums.
The 2nd stage of urbanisation and urban development, spread over the following 20 old ages during the 1970 ‘s and 1980 ‘s, showed distinguishable tendency of unequal urban growing across the state. This was manifested through over-concentration of population in a few metropolitan Centres, uneven urban growing across the parts, haphazard growing across urban agglomerations, and entire disregard of little and average towns. The lop-sided growing of urban Centres can be seen as ensuing from the step-motherly attitude adopted by the policy shapers towards urban development. These policy shapers promote the thought that urban colonies through their local ego authoritiess should bring forth their ain resources for supplying basic services and occupation chances to their occupants. This can by proved by looking at the allotment of resources for urban development and lodging under assorted five twelvemonth programs. The program outlay for this sector ne’er exceeded 2.5 per cent of the entire program outlay ; and this was true during the 1st Plan and has besides been true for the tenth Plan ( Sharma and Shaban, 2006:23 ) .
With the liberalisation of the Indian economic system in the 1990 ‘s we enter into the 3rd stage of rapid urbanisation and urban development. The decadal urban growing rate in the state during the period 1971-81 and 1981-91 rose to 46.10 and 36.40 per centum severally. During the same period, the population of all ‘million-plus ‘ metropoliss grew quickly from 27.83 million in 1971 to 42.12 million in 1981, and 70.16 million in 1991. In 2001, it stood at a astonishing figure of 107.88 1000000s of people, concentrated merely in 35 million-plus metropoliss, with an norm of three million people in each of these metropoliss ( ibid: 21 ) . This phenomenal growing of ‘mass metropoliss ‘ led to rapid add-on of slums in a twelve of these mega-cities. Now these mega-cities are being developed into first metropoliss to function the intent of the neo-liberal order. Harmonizing to the informations, 26 million-plus metropoliss have, on an norm, 23.39 per cent of their population life in slums, that is, over 16 million people of the 26 big metropoliss live in cold conditions ( ibid: 22 ) . Given such an uneven growing of ‘so called ‘ economically feasible ( or strategic ) metropoliss vis-a-vis the little and average towns, spread all across the state, the quality of life, support chances and flow of resources across the metropoliss and the parts show broad disparities.
During the period 1901-1991, the urban population in India has increased eight-folds while the figure of urban Centres merely doubled. The major blank in the procedure of graduation of large-sized small towns into towns, through the growing of industrial and third activities can be identified as the major job in India ‘s urbanisation. Low per-capita income due to miss of employment chances in the organized sector, low incidence of secondary activities and poorness induced growing of third employment pestilence the people in SMT ‘s in India. A glimpse through the NSS information reveals the high degree of poorness prevailing in these towns as compared to the cities or other metropoliss. The per centum of people below the poorness line increases consistently as one goes down the population size classs ( Kundu, A. , 2002: 13 ) . Intelligibly, many SMT ‘s are non able to bring forth adequate financess to supply basic civic services to its population and brace their economic base.
It is a fact that big metropoliss are financially strong and can take up public plants and societal substructure undertakings on their ain which is non rather the instance with the smaller towns. On the other manus, with a diminution in cardinal and province aid, the SMT ‘s fail to do investings for bettering basic services and substructure ( ibid: 14 ) .
There is a general consensus among the academe that big metropoliss experience comparatively higher and stable demographic growing because they are linked to the national market and in many instances to the international market every bit good. Conversely, the little towns are largely rooted in their regional economic system and their population growing is comparatively low and unstable.
In the post-liberalisation period, development has adversely affected the growing of little towns in the state. Their economic base has weakened over clip. Most of these towns have failed to keep even the basic comfortss as the private sector attempts to maintain away from these towns on history of low profitableness, and the diminution in public investing.
Rationale for Developing SMT ‘s
In order to bridge this spread between the mega-cities and little and average towns ( SMT ‘s ) , there is a demand to place the possible advantages of these SMT ‘s in stimulating rural development, incorporating urban and rural economic systems, to decelerate migration to largest urban Centres and spread the benefits of economic growing to depressed parts. In a state like India with diverse political, economic and societal set-up, towns and little metropoliss can assist to transform the economic systems of rural countries by supplying entree to services, installations and non-agricultural employment chances and supply inducements for the commercialisation of agribusiness. Researches in assorted developing states have shown that these SMT ‘s service as Centres for selling, services, commercialism, transit and communicating, every bit good as Centres of small-scale fabrication and societal interaction.
The statement for developing little urban Centres is based on the fact that development of these Centres would ease widespread economic growing as it leads to emergence of an articulated and integrated colony system of towns and metropoliss of different sizes and maps that are big and diversified to function non merely their ain population but that besides of their rural backwoodss. As a consequence, towns and little metropoliss become indispensable nodes of trade and commercialism in a larger web of market Centres that provide more diversified and higher-order goods and services. They besides serve as the links in the system of distribution and exchange between agricultural countries and urban Centres.
Theorists have long argued that a diffused and incorporate system of cardinal topographic point in market economic systems is a related characteristic of economic growing and a necessary, but non a critical characteristic of economic growing. A web of urban Centres is necessary for providing specialised goods that are produced in some parts to consumers in the nearby parts. Under the cardinal topographic point system goods produced in one part are brought together at the local aggregation points and distributed to the consumers through markets. As the cardinal topographic point hierarchy develops and becomes more sophisticated, little Centres offer low-order often used goods, while the larger Centres offer less-needed higher order goods. The absence of an articulated, incorporate system of cardinal topographic points obstructs the outgrowth of a sectorally and geographically balanced form of economic growing. Harmonizing to E.A.J. Johnson, “ such a system allowed the commercialisation of agribusiness, the diffusion of fabrication, and expanded employment chances both in Western industrial states and in the advanced economic systems of the developing states ” ( quoted in Rondinelli, Dennis A. , 1983:381 ) . With the absence of such a spacial system, it is highly hard to accomplish a geographically diffused development and cut down urban and regional disparities. In the absence of entree to intercede sized towns and market Centres, husbandmans find it highly hard to sell their excesss, obtain inputs, overhaul their operations and adapt merchandises to consumer demand.
Interventions by Government in SMT ‘s
Given the above scenario of widespread regional and resource based disparities bing between the urban Centres in the state, the function played by authorities in managing these disparities becomes highly important. However, as mentioned earlier the authorities did really small in the post-Independence period and paid mere lip service to undertake these disparities. Though the Third Five Year Plan took stairss towards taking the instabilities in the growing of urban parts but it failed to cover with double economic systems and resources. The authorities came in for heavy unfavorable judgment from assorted quarters for this hit-or-miss urban growing in the state. Prof. V.K.R.V. Rao ( quoted in Kosambi, M.,1994:80 ) observed “ India exhibits a high grade of urban concentration which has a hurtful consequence on costs of urban substructure, introduces regional and inter-regional instabilities, and causes societal jobs and tensionsaˆ¦The demand is for decentalisation and incorporate urban-rural development ” . N. Ramachandran ( 1980 ) focused on four mega-cities in the state and demonstrated their ‘suction mechanism ‘ in footings of commanding and devouring the rural excess, which started in colonial period and continued in the post-Independence period.
Other taking protagonists of the above cause, like O.P. Mathur, R.K. Wishwakarma, R.C. Gupta and E. Swaminathan have expressed similar positions on the disregard of little and average towns. The Task Force on Housing and Urban Development ( 1983 ) , appointed by the Planning Commission, gave a elaborate and strong recommendation about look intoing farther growing of big metropoliss by making counter-magnet metropoliss of half a million population, switching the big and medium industries to medium towns and incorporating little towns with ‘nodal small towns ‘ in the countryside. In fact, for decennaries, China practised such a theoretical account of growing.
With the increasing demand and force per unit area for a balanced attack to development of urban countries, Government of India during the fifth five twelvemonth program came with the “ Incorporate Urban Development Plan ” ( IUDP ) , with the aim of supplying fiscal aid for implementing urban development undertakings. But the IUDP did non last long and was withdrawn by the terminal of the 5th program as it failed to make beyond 31 metropoliss and towns ( NIUA, 1990: 1-2 ) .
Faced with increasing jobs in ‘mass metropoliss ‘ and under the recommendations of the Task Force on Housing and Urban Development, the Government of India, came up with a strategy entirely for the development of little and average towns during the 6th program, the strategy was christened as the ‘Integrated Development of Small and Medium Towns ‘ ( IDSMT ) . For it, 235 towns with a population below one hundred thousand each were identified under the strategy. The strategy involved 50 per cent grant from cardinal authorities, with equal fiting grant from province authorities ( and their local ego authoritiess ) . Initially, a amount of Rs.200 crores was allocated for the strategy. It aimed at three basic aims ( NIUA, 1990:130 ) : decelerating down the growing of big metropoliss ; beef uping physical substructure of concerned towns for pulling economic activities ; and eventually, lending to redistribution of urban population, with more balanced growing of towns and their backwoodss. The IDSMT strategy continued till the 9th V Year Plan. Its result has been evaluated by Wishwakarma et Al. ( 1985 ) ; NIUA ( 1990 ) . The overall result was of a assorted nature, with outgrowth of ‘successful ‘ and ‘unsuccessful ‘ towns. Harmonizing to Sivaramakrishnan and Kundu ( 2005: 155-56 ) : “ While the instance for bettering urban services is common across the board, a plan like the IDSMT has non succeeded in cut downing or debaring big metropolis growing ” . A similar voice was echoed by Gangadhar Jha in the early stage of rating of IDSMT strategy by the IIPA ( Wishwakarma et al. , op.cit: 200 ) :
Integrated development has its wider deductions and goes much beyond the mere proviso of services and substructure to the poorness pockets in the town with depreciable environmental conditions and in footings of heightening the quality of life by adding or upgrading the services of the town. In order to do the programme a success, it is necessary to analyze the deductions of our entire program for economic development in all other sectors. If this is non done and the prescribed strategies are merely pursued, there is every danger of the programme going the one, where money is spent but the aims are non realized.
Furthermore, the impact of IDSMT has been confined to a few hundred SMTs, while their figure ( with population below one hundred thousand ) is nearing 4000. Among the counted 4368 metropoliss and towns in the state ( Census, 2001 ) , the category one metropoliss with population of one hundred thousand and above are merely 393. In contrast, 401 towns are with a population scope of 50,000 to 99,999 ; 1151 with the population between 20,000 to 50,000 ; 1344 towns within the scope of 10,000 to 20,000 and 1079 towns with the population 10,000 or below ( Srivastava, cyberspace ) . It is hence non surprising to remember here the observations of A.Kundu ( 1999: 1893-1906 ) about the hapless quality of life in the SMTs and their ignored function in urban economic system in the state:
Harmonizing to the 1991 Census informations, the per centum of families holding all the three comfortss ( lavatories, electricity and imbibing H2O ) in Class III, IV and V towns ( with population between 5000 and 50,000 ) is about 30 per cent, while that for Class I metropoliss ( more than 1,00,000 population ) , it is twice as largeaˆ¦.It may be argued that merely a smattering of big metropoliss with moderately strong economic base would profit from the chance opening up owing to the constitutional ( 74th ) Amendment. A few of these metropoliss would perchance be able to present certain new taxesaˆ¦.it seems improbable that the little and average towns would be able to profit in a similar fashionaˆ¦.. More specifically, the province authoritiess and para-statal establishments did non exhibit sensitiveness in favor of little and average towns.
The first-ever National Commission on Urbanisation, set up by Cardinal Government in 1986, besides recommended to spread out resource base for development of little and average towns, and for the intent, identified over 500 SMTs as ‘generators of economic impulse ‘ ( called GEMs ) . This was besides over-looked by authorities ( Interim Report of the Commission, 1987: 36 ) . It states:
There are 538 towns with a population of less than half a million each turning faster than the national norm of 46 % in the decennary 1971-81, and they are good distributed throughout the state. These are the towns where industry and trade are making new wealth and where, with the seeding of a small capital, the wealth itself can be multiplied many times to make a big figure of dynamic new towns.
Tezibazar: A Town under Present Focus
“ Ramji called it ‘dog ‘s Eden ‘ . Another adult male said it was his ‘homeland ‘ . To the the metropolis inhabitant it is merely an undistinguished manner station on a rural coach line. To the villager it is the market where he buys his goods. All points of position describe the little town of Tezibazar. “ ( Fox, R.G. , 1969: 8 )
The little market town of Tezibazar on the Bankss of the river Sai falls under the municipal country of Jaunpur territory of eastern Uttar Pradesh, and was the existence of the survey. The town covers an country of 10.04 square kilometers and has a entire population of 6218 harmonizing to the 2001 Census and a sum of 18 small towns come under the country of Tezibazar. The town of Tezibazar in eastern U.P. lies within the field of the Ganges River. For many stat mis around the town the terrain is to the full broken merely here and at that place by the knolls of small towns and little towns.
Tezibazar is a nodal point for several chief roads, and it lies off the chief route on NH-52, which connects Varanasi and Lucknow. One can make the town by taking one of State conveyance coachs till thana Baksa and thenceforth taking auto-rickshaw or jeep plying on the path, one can besides take a rider train up to Badlapur which is a kilometre off from Tezibazar. Reaching the town at times can be rather inconvenient as one does non happen conveyance easy, and this is peculiarly true for the summer when 1 will hold to wait for hours together to happen a conveyance, particularly in the afternoon.
Tezibazar is a little urban vicinity in Jaunpur territory. Merchants from the town go to Jaunpur to pay their income and gross revenues revenue enhancements, to look after their legal personal businesss and for any other major purchases. Tezibazar falls under the pargana Sarai, an official tehsil subdivision which, nevertheless, has no formal administrative constructions except a few low-ranking land gross functionaries. Tezibazar is the functionless capital of Sarai pargana, and the town is besides referred to as Sarai-Tezibazar by the locals.
The town of Tezibazar, from the clip of its very origin has meant Tezibazar, the market, and commercialism has been the major beginning of support for people in the part. The town traces its history back to the Mughal period when it was a major transshipment center for long distance trade but today the town has been reduced to the mere position of supplying services to the nearby small towns. Tezibazar is considered an urban venue because of non-agricultural and commercial nature of its population, the presence of a little subdivision of sophisticated political and educational aristocracy in the town, and the being of establishments such as bank, station office, and rail and coach Stationss normally associated with an urban country.
As already mentioned earlier, trade is the main beginning of income in the town and a big portion of this trade, both sweeping and retail prevarications in nutrient grains. Some of the grains include wheat, rice, pulsations, barley and corn and the merchandisers buy these grains from agriculturists in the nearby small towns and sell it in the local ‘mandi ‘ . The taking merchandisers in Tezibazar are normally traders in nutrient grains.
Rice, both irrigated and unirrigated, is the major harvest of the part, closely followed by wheat. The chief hard currency harvest in the Jaunpur territory is sugarcane and till the early 1990 ‘s agriculturists used to treat it into Gur or petroleum molasses sugar and sold it in the market, a fact besides mentioned by Fox ( 1969 ) in his survey. But now whatever sugar cane is produced is sold by the agriculturists in the market and in instance of a excess the agriculturists produce Gurs for their ain ingestion or distribute among their relations.
Tezibazar is an urban enclave within an overpoweringly agricultural countryside. The nearby countryside is chiefly covered by rice Fieldss, each secret plan demarcated by an earthen boundary line. In winter the husbandmans cultivate wheat, mustard and peas on these lands. The little agricultural section of the town ‘s population, by and large Koiri, Kurmi and Kunjra caste either ain or work on these secret plans of land and convey its green goods into the market for sale.
The dirt of Tezibazar because of the fact of its being in the Gangetic field is rather fertile. However, there are besides big spots of usar or heavy alkaline clays that are impossible to cultivate. A local adage lists the usar as one of the specifying features of the pargana:
“ Bacch, Upadhyaya, Umar, Usar, yeh hain sarai ke dham dhusar ” . ( ibid: 11 )
This basically means, Bacch, Upadhyaya, Umar, Usar, make Sarai celebrated. The other three names are of the dominant societal groupings in Tezibazar. Bacch are the original subdivision of Thakurs or Rajputs who settled in the country, as are the Upadhyaya for the Brahmins and Umar are the dominant Baniya or merchandiser caste in the town. These three castes have a big control over the occurrences in Tezibazar.
Aims of Present Study
The chief aim of the present research worker is to ‘revisit ‘ Tezibazar in footings of understanding the kineticss of alteration or stagnancy ( even decline ) over a period of over four decennaries, when Richard Fox carried out his celebrated survey of this town. The survey would follow and widen the parametric quantities used by Fox in understanding socio-economic alterations so and subsequent alterations.
I ) Therefore, the research worker tries to show a socio-cultural profile of the town under focal point, more so the alterations ( or stagnancy ) visible since the clip R. Fox conducted his survey in 1964 ;
two ) In the context of Tezibazar, attempt is made to understand the economic function of towns as ‘bazaar ‘ and their linkages ( in footings of exchange of goods and services ) with the backwoods, on one side, and nearby metropoliss in the part, on the other ;
three ) An attempt is made to understand the position of concern community ( in footings of their concern, altering manners of concern, investings etc. ) , as witnessed by R. Fox in 1964 and as seeable today.
four ) The position of basic substructure is highlighted, along with any alterations through public strategies, and their impact on quality of life of people ;
V ) Effort is besides made to cognize about governmental and voluntary intercessions ( if any ) and their impact on quality of life of the citizens.
six ) Overall a modest attempt is made to foreground the altering function of bazaar town in today ‘s planetary epoch.
The survey by Richard G. Fox of Tezibazar town in 1964 chiefly focused on the growing of concern community and its beginning in relation to puting up of dynastic and colonial regulations by Muslim and English colonizers, severally. How different castes lived within their community and practised specific businesss was highlighted by R. Fox in 1964.
Given the limited clip and resources, the research worker conducted a socio-economic study through a little sample of 100 families across the population. This was supported by a assortment of informations ( secondary or otherwise ) related to the position of substructure ( basic comfortss and public public-service corporations ) , function of local self-determination, citizens ‘ commissions, and concern groups, and so on.