Negotiating Anger among the Ilongot Headhunters Essay
Headhunting among the Ilongot of Northern Luzon served as the bedrock of their society. The implicit in rule of the Ilongot’s headhunting tradition is to take the load carried by the headhunters. The act of throwing the caput relieves that individual of his load. Throwing the caput symbolically throws the load off. The headhunting ritual among the Ilongot plays a large portion in the life rhythm of adult male. Though work forces and adult females are comparatively equal. by agencies of headhunting tradition work forces could accomplish a signifier of transcendency non available to adult females ( Rosaldo 1980 ) .
Headhunting generates several effects: it therefore creates tensenesss and struggle among the group involve during the foray. While it spawns conflicting society it besides build solidarity within the aggrieved party. Some structural functionalist viewed struggle as unnatural and rare while conflict theoretician such as Max Gluckman emphasized the importance of struggle in keeping the province of equilibrium within the society. “Social life strains struggle. and societies by their customary arrangements’…accentuate struggles.
The struggles in wider scopes compensate one another to bring forth societal cohesion” ( Barret 1997 ) . Which leads us to the purpose of this paper that is to examine on the map of headhunting tradition among the Ilongot. How do the Ilonggot negotiate choler and struggle? Is there a demand for a go-between to work out the crisis? Are at that place any regulations to follow in work outing the peculiar instance of misinterpretation? Are these regulations a distinguishable Ilongot usage vis a vis universal to all? How does linguistic communication plays an of import function in dickering struggle among the Ilongot? Is conflict imperative Ilongot society?
Do Ilongot society reflects dickering and/or colony civilization of the Philippines? ILONGGOT PEOPLE Ilongot people are tribal society who inhabits the hills of Northern Luzon. chiefly in the Nueva Vizcaya part. The Ilonggot’s construct of work forces and adult females are represented in the imagination of hunting and horticultural thaumaturgy. `Women. ’ she said. can non “reach” a man’s “anger” ; look at the manner they climb trees and carry immense logs ; make you believe we could garden if work forces did non travel before uncluttering the forest…” ( Rosaldo 1980 ) . Work force in the folk clear the wood for gardens. fished and Hunt.
Deer and wild Sus scrofas are the most sought after beginning of protein. Both are ideal complement to rice for their day-to-day ingestion. Hunting Canis familiariss. bows and pointers were use during their pursuit. Whereas the adult females do most of the garden plants. They tilt the land. Rice is the most abundant beginning of saccharides. They besides grew sweet murphies. cocoyam yams. baccy and bananas. Ilongot traces their relations through a bertan1. They perceive it as timeless and distinct aggregations of related individuals who portion an beginning from unknown common ascendants who one time lived together.
Ilongot viewed themselves as basically classless in their manner of life. Family plays a important function in the Ilongot society. Its primary duty is to supply for the demands of their single kids every bit good as their socialisation. They called their household as – sunburn tengeg2 or sometimes they called it matambe yek3. The Ilongot people prescribe a cosmopolitan regulation of uxorilocal type station matrimonial abode. But with few freedoms married sisters. parents and/or girls can populate within one local bunch but this is non agreeable to the instance of married brothers and/or boies.
The name of the local bunch can mean a name of a river or any other things. These groupings are fused together mostly by the male within the society. Chiefly because they engage themselves in the hunting game intended for their subsistence. There are no clear colony boundaries. Persons may come and travel every bit good as visitants and invitees ( Rosaldo 1980 ) . Brief HISTORY OF ILONGOT HEADHUNTING Ilongot people began practising headhunting since 1919. people within the folk desire even more to decapitate person. this largely happen between different bertan.
This nevertheless resulted into a more complicated state of affairs. Feuding among neighbours marked this epoch. During 1923 there are military personnels who entered the Ilongot district it is besides believed that a certain Ilongot from the margin of their territory lead these military personnels. The primary motivation of this Ilongot adult male is to take retribution of old decapitating. Much force took topographic point between 1919 to 1928. Retaliation resulted from these decapitating. It seemed to be a barbarous rhythm among the Ilongot. Near the beginning of 1929 non far off from1935 the pattern of headhunting come to an terminal.
In fact many work forces married without taking a caput. Despite the fact that many people are eager to take caputs. no caputs were taken during this clip. Peasant originating took topographic point in the Lowlandss between 1936 and 1941. The Ilongot people took advantage of this state of affairs ; they carry out foraies within the lowland communities. Several headhunting foraies were executed during this period. When the Nipponese soldiers landed on the Philippine shores many Ilongot were forced to travel to the inside to portion of the mountain.
These besides serve as a opportunity for the Ilongot tribesmen to hold strength in Numberss. Harmonizing to historical facts. Ilongot headhunting reached its extremum during this twelvemonth. Feuds broke up and decapitations took topographic point. Peace likely came approximately at some point in 1974. Though headhunting didn’t halt all together during this clip comparative peace was experienced. Not until the rumours of firing squad began Ilongot bring to an terminal their headhunting patterns. WHY AND HOW DID THE ILONGOT’S HUNT HEADS?
That ritual itself is a symbolic public presentation which really unite the members of a class of people in a shared chase that speaks of. and to. their basic values or that creates or confirms a universe of significances shared by all of them likewise. in this instance it pertains to the Ilongot people ( de Coppet 1992 ) . “ Ilongot see headhunting as the merchandise non merely of retribution. but of desire – the end of hopeful young persons whose Numberss were increasing and who. through cryings and vocals or changeless sulking. indicated that their Black Marias were ‘twisted up’ with liget4 and dying to ‘reach’ the violent efforts attained by ‘fathers’ in the past” ( Rosaldo 1980 ) .